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-
- The Sound of Rushing Water by Michael J. Harner
-
- "A hallucinogenic drug gives the Jivaro
- shaman entrance to the "real" world and
- gives him the power to cure or bewitch."
-
- Natural History, July 1968
-
- (comments from illustration boxes included, sans images, for completeness)
-
- He had drunk, and now he softly sang. Gradually, faint lines and forms
- began to appear in the darkness, and the shrill music of the tsentsak, the
- spirit helpers, arose around him. The power of the drink fed them. He
- called, and they came. First, pangi, the anaconda, coiled about his head,
- transmuted into a crown of gold. Then wampang, the giant butterfly, hovered
- above his shoulder and sang to him with its wings. Snakes, spiders, birds
- and bats danced in the air above him. On his arms appeared a thousand eyes
- as his demon helpers emerged to search the night for enemies.
-
- The sound of rushing water filled his ears, and listening to its roar,
- he knew he possessed the power of tsungi, the first shaman. Now he could
- see. Now he could find the truth. He stared at the stomach of the sick man.
- Slowly, it became transparent like a shallow mountain stream, and he saw
- within it, coiling and uncoiling, makanchi, the poisonous serpent, who had
- been sent by the enemy shaman. The real cause of the illness had been
- found.
-
- The Jivaro Indians of the Ecuadorian Amazon believe that witchcraft is
- the cause of the vast majority of illnesses and non-violent deaths. The
- normal waking life, for the Jivaro, is simply "a lie," or an illusion,
- while the true forces that determine daily events are supernatural and can
- only be seen and manipulated with the aid of hallucinogenic drugs. A
- reality view of this kind creates a particularly strong demand for
- specialists, who can cross over into the supernatural world at will to deal
- with the forces that influence and even determine the events of the waking
- life.
-
- These specialists, called "shamans" by anthropologists, are recognized
- by the Jivaro as being of two types: bewitching shamans and curing shamans.
- Both kinds take a hallucinogenic drink, whose Jivaro name is natema, in
- order to enter the supernatural world. This brew, commonly called yage, or
- yaje, in Colombia, ayahuasca (Inca "vine of the dead") in Ecuador and Peru,
- and caapi in Brazil, is prepared from segments of a species of the vine
- Banisteriopsis, a genus belonging to the Malpighiaceae. The Jivaro boil it
- with the leaves of a similar vine, which probably is also a species of
- Banisteriopsis, to produce a tea that contains the powerful hallucinogenic
- alkaloids harmaline, harmine, d-tetrahydroharmine, and quite possibly
- dimethyltriptamine (DMT). These compounds have chemical structures and
- effects similar, but not identical to LSD, mescaline of the peyote cactus,
- and psilocybin of the psychotropic Mexican mushroom.
-
- When I first undertook research among the Jivaro in 1956-57, I did not
- fully appreciate the psychological impact of the Banisteriopsis drink upon
- the native view of reality, but in 1961 I had occasion to drink the
- hallucinogen in the course of field work with another Upper Amazon Basin
- tribe. For several hours after drinking the brew, I found myself, although
- awake, in a world literally beyond my wildest dreams. I met bird-headed
- people, as well as dragon-like creatures who explained that they were the
- true gods of this world. I enlisted the services of other spirit helpers in
- attempting to fly through the far reaches of the Galaxy. Transported into a
- trance where the supernatural seemed natural, I realized that
- anthropologists, including myself, had profoundly underestimated the
- importance of the drug in affecting native ideology. Therefore, in 1964 I
- returned to the Jivaro to give particular attention to the drug's use by
- the Jivaro shaman.
-
- ----------------------------------------------------------------------
- Washikta, an outstanding Jivaro shaman, quietly listens to a visitor's
- request for assistance. As is customary when dealing with strangers,
- he keeps a shotgun in readiness during the consultation.
- ----------------------------------------------------------------------
-
- The use of the hallucinogenic natema drink among the Jivaro makes it
- possible for almost anyone to achieve the trance state essential for the
- practice of shamanism. Given the presence of the drug and the felt need to
- contact the "real," or supernatural, world, it is not surprising that
- approximately one out of every four Jivaro men is a shaman. Any adult, male
- or female, who desires to become such a practitioner, simply presents a
- gift to an already practicing shaman, who administers the Banisteriopsis
- drink and gives some of his own supernatural power - in the form of spirit
- helpers, or tsentsak - to the apprentice. These spirit helpers, or "darts,"
- are the main supernatural forces believed to cause illness and death in
- daily life. To the non-shaman they are normally invisible, and even shamans
- can perceive them only under the influence of natema.
-
- Shamans send those spirit helpers into the victims' bodies to make
- them ill or to kill them. At other times, they may suck spirits sent by
- enemy shamans from the bodies of tribesmen suffering from witchcraft
- induced illness. The spirit helpers also form shields that protect their
- shaman masters from attacks. The following account presents the ideology of
- Jivaro witchcraft from the point of view of the Indians themselves.
-
- To give the novice some tsentsak, the practicing shaman regurgitates
- what appears to be - to those who have taken natema - a brilliant substance
- in which the spirit helpers are contained. He cuts off part of it off with
- a machete and gives it to the novice to swallow. The recipient experiences
- pain upon taking it into his stomach and stays on his bed for ten days,
- repeatedly drinking natema. The Jivaro believe they can keep magical darts
- in their stomachs indefinitely and regurgitate them at will. The shaman
- donating the tsentsak, periodically blows and rubs all over the body of the
- novice, apparently to increase the power ofthe transder.
-
- The novice must remain inactive and not engage in sexual intercourse
- for at least three months. If he fails in self-discipline, as some do, he
- will not become a successful shaman. At the end of the first month, a
- tsentsak emerges from his mouth. With this magical dart at his disposal,
- the new shaman experiences a tremendous desire to bewitch. If he casts his
- tsentsak to fulfill this desire, he will become a bewitching shaman. If, on
- the other hand, the novice can control his impulse and swallow this first
- tsentsak, he will become a curing shaman.
-
- If the shaman who gave the tsentsak to the new man was primarily a
- bewitcher, rather than a curer, the novice likewise will tend to become a
- bewitcher. This is because a bewitchers magical darts have such a desire to
- kill that their new owner will be strongly inclined to adopt their
- attitude. One informant said that the urge to kill felt by bewitching
- shamans came to them with a strength and frequency similar to that of
- hunger.
-
- Only if the shaman is able to abstain from sexual intercourse for five
- months, will he have the power to kill a man (if he is a bewitcher) or cure
- a victim (if he is a curer). A full year's abstinence is considered
- necessary to become a really effective bewitcher or curer.
-
- During the period of sexual abstinence, the new shaman collects all
- kinds of insects, plants, and other objects, which he now has the power to
- convert into tsentsak. Almost any object, including live insects and worms,
- can become a tsentsak if it is small enough to be swallowed by a shaman.
- Different types of tsentsak are used to cause different kinds and degrees
- of illness. The greater variety of these objects that a shaman has in his
- body, the greater his ability.
-
- According to Jivaro concepts, each tsentsak has a natural and
- supernatural aspect. The magical dart's natural aspect is that of an
- ordinary material object as seen without drinking the drug natema. But the
- supernatural and "true" aspect of the tsentsak is revealed to the shaman by
- taking natema. When he does this, the magical darts appear in new forms as
- demons and with new names. In their supernatural aspects, the tsentsak are
- not simply objects but spirit helpers in various forms, such as giant
- butterflies, jaguars, or monkeys, who actively assist the shaman in his
- tasks.
-
- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------
- The drawings shown here depict figures seen by the shaman Mashu, while under
- the influence of the powerful Banisteriopsis drink, natema. At left is the
- head of a jaguar that appeared in one of Mashu's visions. The shaman, who
- had never drawn before, used pencil and paper supplied by the author.
- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
- Bewitching is carried out against a specific, know individual and thus
- is almost always done to neighbors or, at the most, fellow tribesmen.
- Normally, as is the case with intratribal assassination, bewitching is done
- to avenge a particular offense committed against one's family or friends.
- Both bewitching and individual assassination contrast with the large-scale
- headhunting raids for which the Jivaro have become famous, and which were
- conducted against entire neighborhoods of enemy tribes.
-
- To bewitch, the shaman takes natema and secretly approaches the house
- of his victim. Just out of sight in the forest, he drinks green tobacco
- juice, enabling him to regurgitate a tsentsak, which he throws at his
- victim as he comes out of his house. If the tsentsak is strong enough and
- is thrown with sufficient force, it will pass all the way through the
- victim's body causing death within a period of a few days to several weeks.
- More often, however, the magical dart simply lodges in the victim's body.
- If the shaman, in his hiding place, fails to see the intended victim, he
- may instead bewitch any member of the intended victim's family who appears,
- usually a wife or child. When the shaman's mission is accomplished, he
- returns secretly to his own home.
-
- One of the distinguishing characteristics of the bewitching process
- among the Jivaro is that, as far as I could learn, the victim is given no
- specific indication that someone is bewitching him. The bewitcher does not
- want his victim to be aware that he is being supernaturally attacked, lest
- he take protective measures by immediately procuring the services of a
- curing shaman. Nonetheless, shamans and laymen alike with whom I talked
- noted that illness invariably follows the bewitchment, although the degree
- of the illness can vary considerably.
-
- A special kind of spirit helper, called a pasuk, can aid the
- bewitching shaman by remaining near the victim in the guise of an insect or
- animal of the forest after the bewitcher has left. This spirit helper has
- his own objects to shoot into the victim should a curing shaman succeed in
- sucking out the tsentsak sent earlier by the bewitcher who is the owner of
- the pasuk.
-
- In addition, the bewitcher can enlist the aid of a wakani ("soul," or
- "spirit") bird. Shamans have the power to call these birds and use them as
- spirit helpers in bewitching victims. The shaman blows on the wakani birds
- and sends them to the house of the victim to fly around and around the man,
- frightening him. This is believed to cause fever and insanity, with death
- resulting shortly thereafter.
-
- After he returns home from bewitching, the shaman may send a wakani
- bird to perch near the house of the victim. Then if a curing shaman sucks
- out the intruding object, the bewitching shaman sends the wakani bird more
- tsentsak to throw from its beak into the victim. By continually resupplying
- the wakani bird with new tsentsak, the sorcerer makes it impossible for the
- curer to rid his patient permanently of the magical darts.
-
- ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
- Many times the Christian missionary had told Mashu of the devil feared by
- white men, But since he had never seen the spirit, Mashu remained
- skeptical. Some time later, after drinking natema, Mashu was confronted by
- this figure of the "white man's devil." Since that time, Mashu has remained
- convinced of this spirit's reality.
- ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
- While the wakani birds are supernatural servants available to anyone
- who wishes to use them, the pasuk, chief among the spirit helpers, serves
- only a single shaman. Likewise a shaman possesses only one pasuk. The
- pasuk, being specialized for the service of bewitching, has a protective
- shield to guard it from counterattack by the curing shaman. The curing
- shaman, under the influence of natema, sees the pasuk of the bewitcher in
- human form and size, but "covered with iron except for its eyes." The
- curing shaman can kill this pasuk only by shooting a tsentsak into its
- eyes, the sole vulnerable area in the pasuk's armor. To the person who has
- not taken the hallucinogenic drink, the pasuk usually appears to be simply
- a tarantula.
-
- Shamans also may kill or injure a person by using magical darts,
- anamuk, to create supernatural animals that attack a victim. If a shaman
- has a small, pointed armadillo bone tsentsak, he can shoot this into a
- river while the victim is crossing it on a balsa raft or in a canoe. Under
- the water, this bone manifests itself in its supernatural aspect as an
- anaconda, which rises up and overturns the craft, causing the victim to
- drown. The shaman can similarly use a tooth from a killed snake as a
- tsentsak, creating a poisonous serpent to bite his victim. In more or less
- the same manner, shamans can create jaguars and pumas to kill their
- victims.
-
- About five years after receiving his tsentsak, a bewitching shaman
- undergoes a test to see if he still retains enough tsentsak power to
- continue to kill successfully. This test involves bewitching a tree. The
- shaman, under the influence of natema, attempts to throw a tsentsak through
- the tree at the point where its two main branches join. If his strength and
- aim are adequate, the tree appears to split the moment the tsentsak is sent
- into it. The splitting, however, is invisible to an observer who is not
- under the influence of the hallucinogen. If the shaman fails, he knows that
- he is incapable of killing a human victim. This means that, as soon as
- possible, he must go to a strong shaman and purchase a new supply of
- tsentsak. Until he has the goods with which to pay for this new supply, he
- is in constant danger, in his proved weakened condition, of being seriously
- bewitched by other shamans. Therefore, each day, he drinks large quantities
- of natema, tobacco juice, and the extract of yet another drug, piripiri. He
- also rests on his bed at home to conserve his strength, but tries to
- conceal his weakened condition from his enemies. When he perchases a new
- supply of tsentsak, he can safely cut down on his consumption of these
- other substances.
-
- -------------------------------------------------------------------------
- Whenever the shaman is curing or bewitching, his head remains covered by
- this halo-like crown. The crown can be seen by those drinking natema, but
- remains hidden from other onlookers.
- -------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
- The degree of illness produced in a witchcraft victim is a function of
- both the force with which the tsentsak is shot into the body, and also of
- the character of the magical dart itself. If a tsentsak is shot all the way
- through the body of a victim, then "there is nothing for the curing shaman
- to suck out," and the patient dies. If the magical dart lodges within the
- body, however, it is theoreticall possible to cure the victim by sucking.
- But in actual practice, the sucking is not always considered successful.
-
- The work of the curing shaman is complimentary to that of a bewitcher.
- When a curing shaman is called in to treat a patient, his first task is to
- see if the illness is due to witchcraft. The usual diagnosis and treatment
- begin with the curing shaman drinking natema, tobacco juice, and piripiri
- in the late afternoon and early evening. These drugs permit him to see into
- the body of the patient as though it were glass. If the ilness is due to
- sorcery, the curing shaman will see the intruding object within the
- patient's body clearly enough to determine whether or not he can cure the
- sickness.
-
- A shaman sucks magical darts from a patient's body only at night, and
- in a dark area of the house, for it is only in the dark that he can
- perceive the drug-induced visions that are the supernatural reality. With
- the setting of the sun, he alerts his tsentsak by whistling the tune of the
- curing song: after about a quarter of an hour, he starts singing. When he
- is ready to suck, the shaman regurgitates two tsentsak into the sides of
- his throat and mouth. These must be identical to the one he has seen in the
- patient's body. He hold one of these in the front of the mouth and the
- other in the rear. They are expected to catch the supernatural aspect of
- the magical dart that the shaman sucks out of the patient's body. The
- tsentsak nearest the shaman's lips is supposed to incorporate the
- sucked-out tsentsak essence within itself. If, however, this supernatural
- essence should get past it, the second magical dart in the mouth blocks the
- throat so that the intruder cannot enter the interior of the shaman's body.
- If the curer's two tsentsak were to fail to catch the supernatural essence
- of the tsentsak, it would pass down into the shaman's stomach and kill him.
- Trapped thus within the mouth, this essence is caught by, and incorporated
- into, the material substance of one of the curing shaman's tsentsak. He
- then "vomits" out this object and displays it to the patient and his family
- saying, "Now I have sucked it out. Here it is."
-
- The non-shamans think that the material object itself is what has been
- sucked out, and the shaman does not disillusion them. At the same time, he
- is not lying, because he know that the only important thing about a
- tsentsak is its supernatural aspect, or essence, which he sincerely
- believes he has removed from the patient's body. To explain to the layman
- that he already had these objects in his mouth would serve no fruitful
- purpose and would prevent him from displaying such an object as proof that
- he had effected the cure. Without incontrovertible evidence, he would not
- be able to convince the patient and his family that he had effected the
- cure and must be paid.
-
- The ability of the shaman to suck depends largely on the quantity and
- strength of his own tsentsak, of which he may have hundreds. His magical
- darts assume their supernatural aspect as spirit helpers when he is under
- the influence of natema, and he sees them as a variety of zoomorphic forms
- hovering over his, perching on his shoulders, and sticking out of his skin.
- He sees them helping to suck the patient's body. He must drink tobacco
- juice every few hours to "keep them fed" so that they will not leave him.
-
- ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
- This snake tsentsak was seen by Mashu, coiled within the stomach of one of
- his patients. To work his cure, Mashu then sucked this supernatural essence
- from the patient's abdomen.
- ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
- The curing shaman must also deal with any pasuk that may be in the
- patient's vicinity for the purpose of casting more darts. He drinks
- additional amounts of natema in order to see them and engages in tsentsak
- duels with them if they are present. While the pasuk is enclosed in iron
- armor, the shaman himself has his own armor composed of his many tsentsak.
- As long as he is under the influence of natema, these magical darts cover
- his body as a protective shield, and are on the lookout for any enemy
- tsentsak headed toward their master. When these tsentsak see such a missle
- coming, they immediately close up together at the point where the enemy
- dart is attempting to penetrate, and thereby repel it.
-
- If the curer find tsentsak entering the body of his patient after he
- has killed pasuk, he suspects the presence of a wakani bird. The shaman
- drinks maikua (Datura sp.), an hallucinogen even more powerful than natema,
- as well as tobacco juice, and silently sneaks into the forest to hunt and
- kill the bird with tsentsak. When he succeeds, the curer returns to the
- patient's home, blows all over the house to get rid of the "atmosphere"
- created by the numerous tsentsak sent by the bird, and completes his
- sucking of the patient. Even after all the tsentsak are extracted, the
- shaman may remain another night at the house to suck out any "dirtiness"
- (pahuri) still inside. In the cures which I have witnessed, this sucking is
- a most noisy process, accompanied by deep, but dry, vomiting.
-
- After sucking out a tsentsak, the shaman puts it into a little
- container. He does not swallow it because it is not his own magical dart
- and would therefore kill him. Later, he throws the tsentsak into the air,
- and it flies back to the shaman who sent it originally into the patient.
- Tsentsak also fly back to a shaman at the death of a former apprentice who
- has originally received them from him. Besides receiving "old" magical
- darts unexpectedly in this manner, the shaman may have tsentsak thrown at
- him by a bewitcher. Accordingly, shamans constantly drink tobacco juice at
- all hours of the day and night. Although the tobacco juice is not truly
- hallucinogenic, it produces a narcotized state, which is believed necessary
- to keep one's tsentsak ready to repel any other magical darts. A shaman
- does not even dare go for a walk without taking along the green tobacco
- leaves with which he prepares the juice that keeps his spirit helpers
- alert. Less frequently, but regularly, he must drink natema for the same
- purpose and to keep in touch with the supernatural reality.
-
- While curing under the influence of natema, the curing shaman "sees"
- the shaman who bewitched his patient. Generally, he can recognize the
- person, unless it is a shaman who lives far away or in another tribe. The
- patient's family knows this, and demands to be told the identity of the
- bewitcher, particularly if the sick person dies. At one curing session I
- attended, the shaman could not identify the person he had seen in his
- vision. The brother of the dead man then accused the shaman himself of
- being responsible. Under such pressure, there is a strong tendency for the
- curing shaman to attribute each case to a particular bewitcher.
-
- Shaman's gradually become weak and must purchase tsentsak again and
- again. Curers tend to become weak in power, especially after curing a
- patient bewitched by a shaman who has recently received a new supply of
- magical darts. Thus, the most powerful shamans are those who can repeatedly
- purchase new supplies of tsentsak from other shamans.
-
- Shamans can take back tsentsak from others to whom they have previously
- given them. To accomplish this, the shaman drinks natema, and using his
- tsentsak, creates a "bridge" in the form of a rainbow between himself and
- the other shaman. Then he shoots a tsentsak along this rainbow. This
- strikes the ground beside the other shaman with an explosion and flash
- likened to a lightning bolt. The purpose of this is to surprise the other
- shaman so that he temporarily forgets to maintain his guard over his
- magical darts, thus permitting the other shaman to suck them back along the
- rainbow. A shaman who has had his tsentsak taken away in this manner will
- discover that "nothing happens" when he drinks natema. The sudden loss of
- his tsentsak will tend to make him ill, but ordinarily the illness is not
- fatal unless a bewitcher shoots a magical dart into him while he is in this
- weakened condition. If he has not become disillusioned by his experience,
- he can again purchase tsentsak from some other shaman and resume his
- calling. Fortunately for anthropology some of these men have chosen to give
- up shamanism and therefore can be persuaded to reveal their knowledge, no
- longer having a vested interest in the profession. This divulgence,
- however, does not serve as a significant threat to practitioners, for words
- alone can never adequately convey the realities of shamanism. These can
- only be approached with the aid of natema, the chemical door to the
- invisible world of the Jivaro shaman.
-
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- fini
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-